Amid the huge assurance of the Arab uprisings, the Gulf kingdom of Bahrain has been virtually forgotten. Fusing old and modern research, Bahrain’s Uprising seeks to fill this hole, studying the continuing protests and country repression that maintains today.
Drawing on strong tales, interviews, and conversations from these concerned, this huge selection of writings by means of students and activists presents a infrequently heard voice of the lived adventure of Bahrainis, describing the best way a worldly society, outlined via a historic fight, keeps to abate the efforts of the ruling elite to rebrand itself as a liberal monarchy.
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Additional resources for Bahrain's Uprising
The causes of the political crisis We are here today not because of what happened on 14 February. That remarkable day in the history of Bahrain was the result of a decades-long failure of the political system that had its roots in the dissolution of the elected National Assembly in 1975. Yet in February 2001, Bahraini citizens’ hopes were high. The government and the opposition had agreed to begin a new chapter in the form of the National Action Charter, whereby the King made a number of commitments, including a return to parliamentary life, the a t r i al of th ough ts and idea s 45 preservation of the 1973 constitution, and a move towards a higher democratic process by the creation of a constitutional monarchy ‘similar to that seen in long-established democracies’.
Thankfully, there has been no contemporary history of civil war in the country and there is a lack of appetite for armed struggle; the cost of such an option, as has been demonstrated in the region, is even heavier than sticking with the status quo. The outlook remains uncertain yet carries a sense of historical inevitability. On the surface, for any visitor to the country, the bah rain’ s up rising 37 checkpoints, separation walls, barricades, and the police presence are all too visible, despite an uneasy daily working grind of ‘business as usual’ and the neoliberal trappings of the modern world.
33 The Bahraini regime knew that meaningful political change entailing any change to structures of power would not protect their position of privilege – one they have enjoyed since invading Bahrain in late 1782. Given that even minor political concessions would be perceived as weakness, the vast apparatus of coercion, built on various mechanisms of everyday structural violence, were easily projected in a modus operandi of explicit and unashamed repression. As such, the counter-revolutionary response was predicated on a need to securitise and re-impose the police state in order to prevent a new political creation or a new social order forming.